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The Government of Hungary does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. During the year, the government increased its conviction rate for trafficking offenders but remained hampered by a legal system that requires proof of buying and selling of the victim. In 2012, the government amended general victim assistance legislation to ensure that trafficking victims received support, including access to shelter, regardless of their participation in a criminal case. Also in 2012, the government issued a decree introducing a formalized national-level victim identification protocol. During the reporting period, the government increased shelter capacity by providing funding to an additional NGO. Overall, however, the government continued to offer limited assistance to trafficking victims. NGOs continued to report that some victims who refused to testify against their traffickers were vulnerable to being charged and detained by police for committing a crime against sexual morals. Experts reported that the Hungarian government did not proactively address trafficking occurring within the country, and officials continued to treat children in prostitution as perpetrators—as opposed to victims of trafficking. Serious misunderstandings of child sex trafficking continued to hamper the government’s ability to effectively address Hungary’s trafficking problem.
Recommendations for Hungary: Continue to further expand shelter capacity in Hungary and ensure consistent funding for NGOs providing victim care; bolster protection for trafficking victims who face serious harm and retribution from their traffickers, including by developing longer-term care options to improve their reintegration in Hungary; provide specialized training for social workers to facilitate reintegration assistance for these victims; expand jurisdiction of the specialized anti-trafficking police unit to investigate local, domestic cases of trafficking without an international link; develop stand-alone procedures based on the new identification degree for authorities to increase detection of trafficking victims exploited within Hungary, including among Roma and local children in prostitution; issue guidance for local police to ensure children in prostitution are not treated as offenders and punished for unlawful acts committed as a direct result of being trafficked; take steps to increase incentives for victims’ voluntary cooperation with law enforcement; ensure that the Hungarian anti-trafficking law is fully harmonized with the definition of trafficking under the EU Directive 2011/36/EU by more precisely defining exploitation (including child prostitution, forced prostitution, forced labor, begging, and the exploitation of criminal activities), by ensuring that buying and selling and the transactional basis for trafficking is not required, and by ensuring that means are required to prove an act of adult trafficking; and consider appointing specialized prosecutors and judges to litigate trafficking cases.
The Hungarian government made progress in its anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts in 2012. During the year, authorities continued to investigate trafficking cases and increased convictions for trafficking offenders. Hungary prohibits all forms of trafficking through Sections 175/B of its current criminal code, but the law is both overbroad because it does not require coercive means to prove the basic offense of trafficking in persons, and is too narrow because the courts have interpreted it to require evidence that the victim was bought or sold. Prescribed penalties range from one to 20 years’ imprisonment, which are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with those prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Officials recognize that the narrow judicial interpretation has created overly strict evidentiary requirements for prosecutors to prove the crime of human trafficking—specifically with regards to the transaction requirement and a Supreme Court case requires evidence of direct or recently committed violence. The new Criminal Code adopted by Parliament in June 2012 amended counter-trafficking provisions, effective July 1, 2013. The new regulations introduced an explicit offence for forced labor and raised the maximum sentences for aggravated trafficking acts. However, the new law fails to fully comport with the definition of human trafficking in the EU Directive 2011/36/EU by including the necessary elements of exploitation, such as forced prostitution, child prostitution, or begging. In 2012, police investigated the same number of trafficking cases as in 2011, initiating 18 new investigations. The number of prosecutions, however, declined from 29 cases in 2011 to 12 cases in 2012. Courts convicted 18 trafficking offenders in six trafficking cases in 2012, a significant increase from eight convicted offenders in 2011. In November 2012, a court sentenced two convicted offenders, respectively, to two years’ imprisonment suspended for five years and an 18-month prison sentence suspended for three years for sex trafficking of a 16 year old child. Despite the young age of the victim, these convicted offenders received no time in jail. The remaining 16 sentences ranged from one year and six months to seven years’ and six months’ imprisonment, in comparison to penalties from a one-year suspended sentence to nine years’ imprisonment in 2011. NGOs continued to report that police often failed to investigate trafficking cases that involved Roma or other domestic victims. During the year, the government reduced the number of police investigators in the specialized anti-trafficking unit by five officers, bringing the total number to 11. This specialized unit is charged only with investigation of trafficking crimes that involve organized crime or international elements. In 2012, Hungarian authorities conducted training for 50 police officers on victim protection and identification. The Hungarian government did not report the investigation or prosecution of any public officials for alleged complicity in trafficking-related offenses during 2012. During the year, however, NGOs continued to report concerns about trafficking-related complicity, including victim testimonials indicating traffickers’ connections with officials. Furthermore, a previous research report based on interviews with survivors of sex trafficking contained strong indications of government officials’ complicity, including reports of officers physically abusing and humiliating trafficking victims and not taking action when victims disclosed the names of their pimps.

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PORT-OF-SPAIN, Trinidad, Friday January 24, 2014 – A recent report on human trafficking and migrant smuggling to Trinidad and Tobago indicates that women are being trafficked for sexual exploitation, with some being forced into marriage, and prominent members of the community are linked to the illegal trade.
In the report, one stakeholder identifies a lawyer who, along with religious leaders, arranges marriages to regularise the status of the trafficked women who were lured to the twin-island republic by the promise of employment.
Stating that most of the victims are sexually exploited and psychologically abused, the report says: “This is noteworthy, as several stakeholders referred to establishments in Central and South Trinidad, which bring in girls, particularly for the commercial sex trade, and request that they hand over their passports.”
The study, which was commissioned by the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Observatory on Migration and titled “Invisible Immigrants: A profile of irregular migration, smuggling of migrants and trafficking in persons in Trinidad and Tobago,” identified brothels and nightclubs as places where trafficked persons could be found.
The study quoted unconfirmed findings of the National Security Ministry which stated that victims of trafficking between June 2009 and August 2012 were 39 percent Venezuelan, 31 percent Colombian, 22 percent from the Dominican Republic and eight percent from Guyana, according to a Newsday report.
With respect to smuggled migrants, the study quoted the Police Service Crime and Problem Analysis Branch (CAPA) statistics from 2007 to April 2012 which found that Colombians constituted the highest trafficked category at 57 percent, followed by 17 percent Venezuelans, eight percent Guyanese and Ghanaians, and five percent Nigerians and others.
One major form of smuggling is described as a “loosely organised venture” with people, particularly fishermen, transporting migrants from the Venezuelan mainland to Trinidad and Tobago at prices ranging from US$120 to US$200, Newsday reported.
“Individuals entering through these means are dropped off at the ‘safest’ point and left to ‘fend for themselves’ in terms of accessing transportation, jobs and accommodation, etc,” the report states.
The other form of smuggling is recorded as an “intricately organised scheme” with key contact persons at every point on the journey to facilitate the undetected entry and settlement of the migrant.
One detainee cited in the report referred to an extensive network known as the “brotherhood” which “puts everything in place” for African nationals seeking foreign opportunities and also offer a support base when the migrant arrives.
The study reports that in some instances, upon reaching Trinidad, smuggled migrants were forced to swim ashore. The fees of the smugglers are “consistently high” and one irregular migrant in detention reported paying US$12,000.
“Therefore, in an effort to finance this venture many migrants resort to selling off their assets and securing loans from family, friends and smugglers. Consequently, botched migration efforts usually left these individuals impoverished and bankrupt,” the study states. (T&T Newsday) Click here to receive free news bulletins via email from Caribbean360. (View sample )

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It doesn�t matter which political direction you come from: the topics of sex work, sexual exploitation, prostitution and sex trafficking seem like a Gordian Knot. As long as you listen to one set of advocates and take their evidence in good faith, you are okay. But the minute you listen to another set of advocates with different arguments and evidence, everything falls apart. The way these subjects intersect leads to untenable contradictions that make progress seem impossible. Hand-wringing and ideological free-for-alls predominate.
Twenty years ago I first asked two questions that continue to unsettle me today. The first is answerable: What does a woman who sells sex accomplish that leads to her being treated as fallen, beyond the pale, incapable of speaking for herself, discountable if she does speak, invisible as a member of society? The answer is she carries a stigma. The second question is a corollary: Why do most public conversations focus on laws and regulations aimed at controlling these stigmatized women rather than recognizing their agency? To that the answer is not so straightforward.
I am moved to make this assessment after the murder of someone I knew, Eva-Maree Kullander Smith, known as Jasmine. Killed in Sweden by an enraged ex-partner, Eva-Maree was also a victim of the social death that befalls sex workers under any name you choose to call them. Immediately after the murder, rights activists cursed the Swedish prostitution law that is promoted everywhere as best for women. My own reaction was a terrible sinking feeling as I realized how the notion of a Rescue Industry, coined during my research into the �saving� of women who sell sex, was more apt than even I had thought.
Murders of sex workers are appallingly frequent, including serial killings. In Vancouver, Robert Pickton killed as many as 26 between 1996 and 2001 before police cared enough to do anything about it. Gary Ridgeway, convicted of killing 49 women in the 1980s and 1990s in the state of Washington, said, �I picked prostitutes because I thought I could kill as many of them as I wanted without getting caught.� Infamous statements from police and prosecutors include the Attorney General�s at Peter Sutcliffe�s 1981 trial for the murder of at least 13 women in the north of England: �Some were prostitutes, but perhaps the saddest part of this case is that some were not.� He could say this because of a ubiquitous belief that the stigma attached to women who sell sex is real � that prostitutes really are different from other women.
My focus on the female is deliberate. All who propose prostitution policy are aware that men sell sex, but they are not concerned about men, who simply do not suffer the disgrace and shame that fall on women who do it.
Stigma and Disqualification.
Many people have only a vague idea what the word stigma means. It can be a mark on a person�s body � a physical trait, or a scarlet letter. It can result from a condition like leprosy, where the person afflicted could not avoid contagion. About his selection of victims Sutcliffe said he could tell by the way women walked whether or not they were sexually �innocent�.
Stigma can also result from behaviors seen to involve choice, like using drugs. For Erving Goffman, individuals� identities are �spoiled� when stigma is revealed. Society proceeds to discredit the stigmatized – by calling them deviants or abnormal, for example. Branded with stigma, people may suffer social death � nonexistence in the eyes of society – if not physical death in gas chambers or serial killings.
In the late 1990s I wondered why a migrant group that often appeared in media reports and was well-known to me personally was absent from scholarly migration literature. I came to understand that migrant women who sell sex were disqualified as subjects of migration, in some perhaps unconscious process on the part of scholars and journal editors. Was the stigma attached to selling sex so serious that it was better not to mention these migrants at all? Or did people think that the selling of sex must transport anything written about it to another realm, such as feminism? When I submitted an article to a migration journal addressing this disqualification, The Disappearing of a Migration Category: Women Who Sell Sex, two and a half years passed before its publication, probably because the editor could locate no peer reviewers willing to deal with my ideas.

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