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“???! ???!” (“No! No!”) he yelled as he quickly pointed to the door and seemed to just brush the foreigners all out with a swift swish of his hands.
Outside of the “special” massage parlor we all laughed at how I tensed up and didn’t know what to say and how I just acted like a confused foreigner and started asking for beer. It was a funny night and we all laughed about it, but I didn’t really look at neighborhood quite the same after that. Here was a place like that right by my home, within walking distance of my apartment. If ever I felt lonely or wanted some sexual satisfaction, I could just walk over there and get some. It was different, because in NYC prostitution is illegal, and there are certainly rub and tug massage parlors throughout New York, but they’re not common and they’re not so obvious as they seem to be here. To find one in NYC you’d have to look for an ad in the back of the Village Voice and then do some hunting to actually find the place. Here you walk down the street and you see double barber poles spinning everywhere.
With more of a prevalence, prostitution becomes more of an option.
That night that I came back home from Shinchon after being left high and dry by Monica, I opted for the next best thing. Confused with Korean women and how to get by here, I was frustrated and in need of some sexual release, something to help get out all the pent up steam from moving over here and starting work here and adapting and having to learn new customs and ways of doing things. So I figured I’d take a trip to the local massage parlor and test out their wares.
I’d never been to such an establishment before. I really didn’t know what to expect. I went in from the rain, and was greeted by the same old guy who was laying down again. I didn’t know what to say, but I remembered seeing ?? [ahnma] outside and looking it up. It means massage. So I went in there and this old guy’s looking at me, and I had a hat on this time (to be more discreet, I figured if I was going to become a john, I needed to be discreet about it). I felt a little embaressed about my last time there. I was hoping he wouldn’t remember me.
I doubt he remembered me, but that didn�t really matter, because there I was standing in front of him and I didn�t know what to say again. I could order myself a beer, I could order myself food, I could direct a cab to my apartment, but I didn�t know what to say to a pimp in a brothel, I didn�t know how to order or prostitute or even what I should say in such a situation. So I pulled together what little I knew:
�?? ???� (which pretty much means, �Give me a massage�).
The old man led me down the dark hallway with the different rooms. I could see that none of them were occupied because the curtains were all up on them. In each room was an empty bed with a single pillow on it. At the head of each bed was a sink and a mirror. He took me to the end of the hall and then down another hall that led to the left. There were probably around 10 or 12 rooms in the place, all of them empty. I was quiet and cautious, afraid of seeing someone. But no one was there. I didn�t know what to expect and my heart was pumping fast. The adrenaline was flowing, and I was nervous, but ready. He turned the light on inside this little room all the way at the very end of the hall in the room furthest away from his little mat where he slept in the foyer. I thought this would be good�I wouldn�t feel so self conscious about him possibly hearing some sounds that came from the room. I know that during the act, he�d be the last person I�d want to visualize or think about, and knowing that he�s right outside the door would make things difficult.
He took off his shoes and stepped up onto the wooden floor of the room. I did the same. He pulled back the blanket on the bed to show me�well I guess to show me that it was indeed a bed. I took jacket off and sat down on the bed trying to relax myself through my nervousness. Then the old man put up his fingers and said some indecipherable number plus �won�.
It was time to pay the man. He held up 8 of his 10 digits. I stood up to get my wallet out of my back pocket. Standing next to him I realized how much taller than him I was. I also realized that in this little room we were standing pretty close to each other. I tried not to think of that. I tried to think of the hot girl that would come in and take my clothes off. I pulled out a 10,000 won note, thinking he meant 8,000 won. �No� he shook his head and showed me 8 fingers again, this time pointing to my 10,000 won note. He was trying to tell me:
Ouch. That�s a lot. About $80 U.S. dollars. A lot of money for�well I wasn�t even sure. Would I just get a massage? Would I just get a handjob? Or sucked off? Or fucked? Would that cost extra? What if she wasn�t hot? What if she was fucking ugly? Could I get my money back?
Regardless of all this, I didn�t have any money anyway. All I had was 12,000 won, quite shy from the 80,000 this ajjoshi was asking from me.

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20 In 1905, after more than 15 years of colonization in Eritrea, only 2,333 Italians lived there (incl (. ) 21 In May 1936 there were 330,000 Italian soldiers in the region. See Labanca , 2002, p. 189. 22 On prostitution in the Italian colonies in Africa, see Stefani , 2007, p. 130?143. See also the repr (. ) 23 Campassi , 1987, p. 239.
9 The number of Italians in the Horn of Africa, mostly men, grew during the Fascist period, especially during the 1930s. Of course, women were not the first reason for expatriation. At the time of the Italo?Ethiopian war, more than 50,000 unemployed men went to Eritrea to work on road construction and other public works.20 In 1935, hundreds of thousands of soldiers moved to Eritrea to take part in the war in Ethiopia.21 After the occupation of Ethiopia and the creation of the Empire in 1936, at the same time as the launch of a vociferous campaign against �mixed?race� unions and miscegenation, the Fascist government wanted to increase the Italian female population in Africa, and set up training courses in �preparation for the Empire� for women. The regime also wanted to send several professional Italian prostitutes to the colonies (it actually did so, in part).22 However, these projects mostly turned out to be failures and Italian women in Northeast Africa towards the end of the 1930s numbered, at the most, 10,000.23.
Madamato : Practices and legacies.
24 See for example Martini , 1946, I, and Paoli , 1908. 25 Throughout this article, I will use such �conventional� terms as prostitution, concubinage , marriag (. ) 26 Tabet , 2004, p. 158. 27 Stoler , 2002, p. 49, 50.
10 As revealed by colonial sources, ever since the beginning of Italian colonialism, concubinage between Italian men and Northeast African women was a widespread phenomenon in the Italian colonies in the Horn of Africa. 24 Italians would usually refer to colonial concubinage as madamato or madamismo , meaning by these expressions �something� that was neither marriage nor prostitution,25 and which could differ from one case to the other, in terms of feelings, objectives, abuse, and conditions experienced by partners involved in this kind of relationship. As Paola Tabet noted, �relations between sexes are globally impacted by economic transactions. And continuity � meaning a lack of dichotomy or separation between �good girls� and �bad girls�, and relations of economic exchange characterized by shifting from one condition to the other, or even the coexistence of different roles and relations for one person � has become increasingly evident through recent researches.�26 Concubinage , in various colonial settings, was a nuanced and sometimes controversial notion that Ann Laura Stoler (referring to different colonial contexts) has described as follows: � Concubinage was the prevalent term for cohabitation outside marriage between European men and Asian women. But the term ambiguously covered a wide range of arrangements that included sexual access to a non?European woman as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore. [�] Concubinage reinforced the hierarchies on which colonial societies were based and made those distinctions more problematic at the same time.�27.
28 On colonial concubinage in Eritrea and local sexual politics, see Barrera , 1996; Sorgoni , 1998. On (. ) 29 In 1898 in Asmara, Martini wrote: �Let�s stop with these � madamas .� Their use was tolerated: now de (. ) 30 Martini , 1946, I, p. 145. Before the 1929 Concordat, according to the Italian civil code, religious (. ) 31 Pollera , 1922, p. 73. See also Ambrogetti �s 1900 booklet La vita sessuale nell�Eritrea , p. 5, 15, q (. ) 32 On the life and work of Alberto Pollera , see Sorgoni , 2001. Right before dying in 1939, even if it (. ) 33 Pollera , 1922, p. 73?85. As far as the cultural and intellectual background of these assumptions is (. )
11 Italians called Northeast African concubines madama (an ironic distortion of the French word Madame ) and used the term madamato only to refer to colonial concubinage in the Horn, while the term mabruchismo may have been applied to the much rarer form of concubinage that existed in colonial Libya.28 Before the Fascist regime (1922?1943), when Italians were still prone to spend years in Eritrea, colonial concubinage was usually tolerated by the colonial authority, although at the very end of the 19 th century, writer and politician Ferdinando Martini, Governor of Eritrea between 1897 and 1907, condemned such a practice in his diary.29 According to the same source, Eritrean women believed marriage with an Italian man was official if it conformed with their customs, while Italian men took part in the ceremony just for their own interest or for fun, without committing to it: � I think we should tread carefully in celebrating these marriages that are only religiously binding. Perhaps the indigenous woman believes that civil and religious marriage are merged into the same ceremony, as is the case in her country. The white man knows that a church wedding does not have any effect according to the civil law. Thus, the white man can cheat, the native woman can be cheated on, and the latter will believe that the union is indissoluble, when it is certainly not the case�.30 Thus, on one hand (through Martini�s words), the male?colonialist discourse was able to negate women�s agency by stressing Northeast African women�s lack of self?consciousness. On the other hand though, the male?colonialist discourse would also assert itself by stressing another opposite and complementary aspect considered specific to colonized women: indeed, the colonizer�s assumption that concubines, courtesans, and prostitutes in colonial contexts were not stigmatized by their own society and the idea that they were, actually, naturally inclined to perform these (somewhat interchangeable) roles was generally widespread and persistent, and also applied to other colonial contexts. Other Italian colonial sources stressed the fact that �Abyssinian women� could be sexually free without being locally stigmatized �because here the freedom of women�s sexual mores has very ancient roots�.31 According to the colonial official and prolific ethnographer Alberto Pollera � who, himself, lived with two � madamas � and had several children he formally acknowledged32 � madamato , even if not the optimum coupling solution, was an �inevitability� for young Italians living in the Horn of Africa. According to colonial sources, this land, considered inappropriate for Italian brides, was inhabited by �Abyssinian women� who, thanks to their �Semitic ancestry,� were supposed to easily mate with Italian men and become their concubines.33.

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The overall level of welfare among Latvia’s residents is stable with some slight tendency upward. This is indicated in regular household budget studies that the CSB runs.
Despite the favourable macroeconomic indicators, like a rising of GDP indicator per capita from 934 Ls (1587USD) in 1995 to 1603 Ls (2725USD) in 1999, however, poverty data shows that it is becoming more widespread, and there is increasing inequality in Latvia.
Among women who looked for work in 2000, nearly 19 % were 24 years old or younger, approximately one-half had no job experience, and 20 % had an elementary education or less (CSO/CSBL. 2001a:D-1, D-3).
In Soviet Latvia the prostitution exist in hidden way, others when street prostitution, which was impossible. Prostitutes usually found in bars, restaurants, hotels, where the personnel mediate their services and protect them. Society was not accepted prostitutes, although sex in return of vacations, career opportunities, clothes, and gifts was not seen as prostitution.
The economy of new independent country was started general economic reform on principles of world market. Private initiatives start to be very popular; hundreds of new private businesses were established around the country. Prostitution start to grew up rapidly, because everything, including human body, came to bee see like business product.
Street prostitution, like phenomena start to be visible on the streets of Riga in the early 90’s. Sex bars and clubs were opened, they start advertise their services openly in mass media. The rapid growing of development of sex businesses was noted in summer 1992.
Other experts have said that in Latvia there are actually as many as 35.000 prostitutes, and the number of 10.000-15.000 prostitutes work only in Riga (A.Vilks). This estimation is based on assumption that the number of sex workers in all country is roughly proportionate to overall population numbers.
Sex workers who work exclusively in Latvia earn 2 or 3 times more then the average monthly wage, and in many cases they get two times more money than specialists with higher education.
Only few women said that their relatives know what they are doing. Far more often the women tell their families that they were working as babysitters, hotel employees or secretaries abroad. The comparatively enormous amount of money which prostitutes earn is often spent on entertainment needs; perhaps this suggest that women who have trouble in finding self-affirmation need to find some sort of compensation.
We cannot know how many of them are working for themselves and their foreign pimps, nor is there information about how many of them send money back to intermediaries in Latvia. Presumably, however, sex business in Latvia are interested in finding as many direct and permanent contracts with club and bar owners in other countries as possible, so as to limit the individual of sex workers and to beat the competition.
The main reasons for the presence of unlawful work in Latvia is the fact that there are limited opportunities for legal work – there are only a limited number of jobs available, and young people have serious problems in terms of choice of jobs because their educational levels.
A major difference in income between lawful and unlawful business in modern-day Latvia suggest that the principle in all forms of organized crime are one and the same – those who do the work get enough to survive, those who organize it get all of the profits. The result is that there is a small group of people in Latvia with enormous resources on their disposal – these are the ones who direct the process of organized crime.
Prostitutes who work only in Latvia tend to spend all of their money on everyday needs. Cigarettes can be seen as a luxury item, because they represent large line item in the budgets of sex workers. Women who work in Latvia can save up a bit of money only in the summer, when there are more clients, including foreigners.
Prostitution in Latvia developed in wide range of forms and kinds of services, such as club’s, hotel’s, massage saloon’s, sauna’s prostitution, individual prostitution, street prostitution, male prostitution, minors prostitution, prostitution abroad.
Nobody has tried to count up the possible number of individually working prostitutes in Latvia, because of very difficult access to this hidden group. We can say that it is not remarkable group of women.
The reasons are that individual prostitutes are less protected from aggressive clients when they working (street prostitutes have a pimp, bar prostitute – security); in most cases prostitutes who start to work independently in more or less short time began to use some intermediaries services, they could be taxi drivers, bartenders, metres d’hotel etc.
Its looks that mostly there are high-level sex workers, who have stabile and wealthy clients, can be more or less independent.
Three surveys can be used for the description of situation with minors in sex business in Latvia. A survey (Kurova, Zarina 1997) showed that nearly every fourth prostitute is younger then 18 years old. The peak of adolescent prostitution was in time of big economical changes in Latvia in the early 90s and in the mid-90s.

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